Overview:

"In 1980, French was still the language of the majority of Québec’s population. In fact, it was the mother tongue of 82% of the population while English was the mother tongue of 11% of the population. In comparison to 1905, the major change was in the number of people whose mother tongue was neither French nor English. This group was known as “allophones” and represented 6% of the population. English was still spoken in certain areas of Québec, especially in the west part of Montreal. On the other hand, many Anglophones were learning French. As a result 92% of Québeckers were able to speak French in 1980. This was a big change in comparison to 1905."  

(Text source: RECITUS via Societies and Territories at French, Québec’s official language)

First Language Laws and Commissions

In the 1960s many Québeckers, both Francophone and Anglophone, were especially conscious of their own cultural experience.  It was a period known as the Quiet Revolution, where in Québec many social and cultural changes were taking place, as they were througout the Western World.  And though new Québecois artists were emerging and a new cultural vitality was present in Francophone Québec, it was also equally apparent that the French-Canadian cultural experience was "just a small enclave of French speakers surrounded by English."

In 1969 the government itself began to try to influence the situation through Bill 63, a law that ensured French courses were available and that expanded the role of the Office québécois de la langue française. But this and the protections for language already in the BNA act were felt to be insufficient.  A commission (a group of people officially charged with a particular function) led by the linguist Jean-Denis Gendron was assigned to study the matter, and various recommendations emerged. 

Indeed, people in Québec had long been concerned about the situation of the French language. Not only was the presence of English-language cultural influence especially evident during this period, but English had continued to be the language of business.  Bilingualism in such a context was considered too much of a "burden", since it was felt a bilingual state would need "to be carried mostly by the Francophone population."  The Commission recommended the government “make French the shared language of the Quebecers, in other words a language which, since mastered by everyone, would become the instrument of communication in situations of contact between Francophone and non-Francophone Quebecers.” English would be seen as one of two “national" languages, but measures should be taken to actively encourage immigrants to learn and speak French.  

The recommendations of the Gendron Commission provided key inspiration for policies eventually written into law in Bill 22, the Official Language Act (1974) and Bill 101, the Charte de la langue française (1977).

(Text source:  Paul Rombough, from various sources in main document collection here.)

Anglophone and Quebeckers' reactions collide

In 1968, Francophone parents in the north-Montreal area of St. Leonard demanded that French be recognized as the only language for teaching in schools. Anglophones protested, and violence eventually erupted into the streets, and into further protests by both groups that eventually led the provincial government to introduce Bill 63 mentioned above 1969.  

However, the fact that this law also included provisions to allow parents to choose the language in which their children would be educated was seen by Francophones as insufficient as a means to protect their language's continuation, and even a threat.  This eventually caused even more protests, with over 30,000 people taking to the streets in Montreal and Quebec City to express their dissatisfaction.

(Text source:  Paul Rombough, from various sources in main document collection here.)

Official Languages Act (Bill 22)

The notion that one province could decide on its own what languages were official within its own borders was a relatively new idea that began to take form in laws like Bill 63. In that law, English was accepted as one of two national languages for Québec.  However, things changed in the early 1970s.

Robert Bourassa, leader of the Liberal Party of Québec,  had won a majority in the 1970 election, precisely on a promise to protect the French language.  Then in 1974, "despite persistent opposition from Québec’s anglophone and Italian communities, Bourassa’s government passed Bill 22" which is also known as Québec's "Official Language Act".  Unlike the earlier laws, Bill 22 declared French the only official language of Québec.

Companies (stores, but also larger corporations) had to change their name to French equivalents and advertise mainly in French.  They also required a certificate of francization, which they could get only if they proved they could function and address their employees in French.  Students had to pass a test to get into an English school.  This angered again the English community, while French speakers continued to say the law didn't do enough to protect their language.

(Text source:  Paul Rombough, from various sources in main document collection here.) 

Bill 101: The Charter of the French language

Controversial but ultimately effective, the goal of the Bill 101 Charter was to completely correct the situation whereby French-speaking people were often expected to work in English:  "Bill 101 introduced strict guidelines to ensure French was treated as the official language used in workplaces and educational institutions across the province."

One other key feature of the Charter was to prohibit signs in English.  Initially, this did not apply to trademark names, but for the rest of the sign that would be on display publically, Bill 101 insisted that French be displayed prominently.  Some exceptions were made for Non-Francophone events and for some services like Hospitals where Bill 101 actually clarified that "services in healthcare must be offered in English and French."  This aspect of the Bill 101 was argued against successfully in the Supreme Court of Canada, but after that court ruling,  Bourassa's government used the notwithstanding clause to override it.  Then they created Bill 178, which maintained French as the only language on outdoor "public signs, posters and commercial advertising" and within shopping centres and the public transit system.

Apart from the restrictions on signage, perhaps the most important ruling was that "all children must be educated in French until the end of their secondary studies, whether in a public school or a subsidized private school."  This meant that new immigrants learned French more quickly, and so became French-speaking Québeckers as well.  One can thus conclude that Bill 101 was ultimately successful.  Even though many people in the province speak two or even three languages, the end result of Bill 101 was that Québec remained "clearly, unambiguously, and undebatably a French-speaking province."

(Text source:  Paul Rombough, from various sources in main document collection here, unless hyper-linked or otherwise noted.) 

Jean Lesage:

As mentioned earlier, Québec's reactions often had to do with “jurisdiction” and these reactions began to take form in the 1960s.  Premier Jean Lesage's government was interested in "broadening Québec’s tax base, extending its jurisdictions to the international scene and recovering the areas of provincial responsibility in which the federal government had interfered since World War II."  So, in 1961 when the Patriation of the Constitution was proposed without a new amending formula, Lesage rejected it because it again gave the Federal government too much power.  A 1966 attempt contained a new formula, but that was also rejected, this time because it did not give Québec enough guarantees as concerns its culture and language.

Daniel Johnson:

The Union Nationale government of Daniel Johnson (1966-68) proposed a "flexible formula for dividing responsibilities, enabling each province to bear those responsibilities it most needed."  Again, jurisdiction of "human resources, culture, communications, social security and civil law" were some of its main concerns, but this time it was the Federal government and the other provinces rejecting a new arrangment, seeing Johnson's "equal partner" and "two nations" perception as something that would decentralize federalism too much.

Was Trudeau / Canada Reacting to the Threat of Separation?  (Time to get it done!)

Given that constitutional concerns,and the long history of trying to bring the constitution home were not new phenomena, it might be said that Trudeau's original ideas regarding constitutional reform were not simply reactions to what was going on in Québec.  However, the political tendencies in Québec in the 60s, the more radical FLQ demands of 1970, the election of a separatist government, and finally a relatively close vote in a referendum in 1980 were enough to finally get things moving quickly. 

Minister Conferences, as mentioned earlier, were called in September of 1980, and again in November of that 1981.  After the initial failure in 1980 to come to an agreement, Trudeau threatened to make the move on his own. The courts supported him saying it was legal.  However, they added that convention* demanded that the Provinces should be involved and in approval, and given past experiences with movements in Québec, Trudeau wanted as much support as possible. 

After the second conference ended with nine of the ten Premiers signing an agreement in principal, a "Special Joint Committee of the House of Commons and the Senate was set up to hear submissions from the public. [...] The committee listened to over 300 presentations from women, Aboriginal people, people with disabilities, ethnic and cultural minorities, and others."  Trudeau's final move was essentially to try to get everyone else on board, or at least as many people and groups as possible. 

*Convention: behavior that is considered acceptable or polite to most members of a society.
(Text source:  Paul Rombough, from various sources in main document collection here, unless hyper-linked or otherwise noted.) 

Québec reacts to the Constitution of 1982:   We are distinct and not multicultural.

Québeckers have always recalled the Confederation project of 1867 as a partnership between "two founding peoples."  However, they felt that the contents of the new Constitution Act of 1982 rejected that principle, and that it replaced it with the concept of "one State, one nation."   The Constitution removed, they said, the notion of a "duality" or equal partnership.  And most importantly, it removed the recognition of Québec's specific and distinct character.

The new Constitution presented the idea of a multicultural society, which they felt was not Québec's reality.  Furthermore, this so-called multicultural society of the country as a whole was in reality mostly English-speaking, a situation which they felt posed a threat. The rest of Canada could "easily become indifferent to Québec's distinct identity and its unique linguistic and cultural position in Canada."

Why else did Québec refuse to sign the Constitution?  For one, "With the new amending formula Québec lost its veto over future constitutional change."  Based on the original make up and growth of Canada, Ontario, Québec, or a majority of Western or Maritime provinces could block changes.

And finally, Québec was highly concerned about a new clause that protected minority language rights.  While this would certainly have helped protect French language rights in the rest of Canada, it also could be used to protect English language rights in Québec.  And this could have "meant the end of Québec's Bill 101."

(Text source:  Paul Rombough, from various sources in main document collection here, unless hyper-linked or otherwise noted.)